V.I. Lenin 3
V.I. Lenin
Two main ideas in Marxism dominated Lenin's thinking: classes and class struggle, and dictatorship of the proletariat. Marxism dictates capitalism can only go to Communism in a highly evolved Capitalist society. Russia was far from this description. Absolutism or autocracy reigned in Russia and was a backwards agrarian society before Tsar Alexander II decided to implement reforms and modernize after 'losing face' during the Crimean War. But after his assassination, Russia came to a standstill. Political tensions were an undertone as with any society, but taking advantage of the situation would only happen with Lenin, in due time. He would have to somehow bend Marxism to fit Russian society. Although serfdom and enslavement were abolished by Alexander II, all this seemed to do was throw more peasants into the ever growing "other" class of the Russian population. Lenin's view of the peasant masses as potential allies and potential socialists was crucial. Eighty percent of Russia was peasantry and his thinking about peasants were applied to non-Russians as well. Lenin had to convince this segment of society, who were in the on-going process of taking great pride in their own ethnic background, to join forces but at the same time had to address their problems with Russian oppressors. Another problem that faced Lenin was the peasant class was divided into peasant classes. By Lenin's calculations, at least half the peasants were proletarian in that they were either landless or had so little land that they had to hire themselves out as laborers. At the other extreme, about one-fifth of the peasant population could, in Lenin's view, be considered bourgeois; and between those two classes came an unstable middling stratum whose members would soon be swept to one or the other of the opposing extremes. In addition, there was division among the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party who had become known as Mensheviks. A tug-o-war ensued and the party split into the Lenin-led Bolsheviks (the majority) and the Mensheviks (the minority). One of the problems with the party Lenin argued, it had to be small, disciplined, conspiratorial, and hierarchical: an elite of professional and utterly dedicated Marxist revolutionaries. It would have to be built ‘from the top downwards’ rather than, as the Mensheviks wanted, 'from the bottom upwards' in a sense that would expand outwards from the founding core which would keep tight control of all its activities. The Mensheviks desired a democratic party with many members. Lenin saw this as “too many hands in the pot.” Russia was a police state at this time and the idea of being democratic as well as effective to Lenin was not going to transpire. A smaller, condensed collection of people would be more beneficial to accomplish goals than a large mass of heads. The pertinence was the effectiveness of the party. In contrast to Marx stating the proletarian class would lead the revolution, the Russian peasant class was very passive and didn’t have the personality to do this. Lenin believed they needed to be taught the fundamentals before any revolution could take place. Lenin wanted the Bolsheviks to lead the proletarians into revolution but only as a guide and this is exactly what he did in spite of opposition's idea, the Mensheviks, of doing it the right way. The right way being of Marxism. His detractors believed what he was attempting to do was un-Marxist. They also saw the makings of a power-monger and a dictator. Lenin repeatedly attacked the illusion that the party could make the revolution on its own and then impose it. Only the masses could make the revolution; only they could in due course build socialism. The fight, he urged, 'must be waged not by the conspirators, but the revolutionary party based on the working class movement.'
The Revolution of 1905 (Lenin had been living in London) was merely a domino effect. What may have begun the inevitable revolution was an attempt to win what was thought to be an easy war against Japan for the area known as Manchuria in early 1904. The Russo-Japanese War was a disaster for Russia. The war was a facade for the fact if Russia won, it would divert attention from the autocracy many wanted ceased. Victory would of solidified its power and garner support instead of opposition. Bloody Sunday was an incident that involved a peaceful gathering of pro-government workers led by Father Georgy Gapon at the Winter Palace of Tsar Nicholas II in an effort to petition the Tsar for help. Nicholas II was looked upon as the protector of the Russian people but this quickly dissolved when troops guarding the approaches to the city center were ordered to fire into the crowds, after repeated warnings, and some eight hundred were killed and many more wounded. Mayhem ensued for the rest of the year. After the incident there were three strikes. In an effort to quell the first strike, a duma (lower house) was elected by the upper class and the peasants. Nicholas II made concessions that appeased only liberals. The political concessions meant nothing for the peasants so they continued to seize land from their landlords. The working class had no voice in the election of the duma which enraged them. From the second and the most successful strike, the soviets were spawned in St. Peterburg. Soviets or workers’ councils organized themselves, and were not organized by the Bolsheviks or the Mensheviks, who were now jockeying for leadership of the soviets. This strike had virtually shut down all of Russia. Nicholas II observing the situation as hopeless, signed the October Manifesto that promised certain civil liberties and political liberties. Russia became a constitutional monarchy. A third strike was attempted by Leon Trotsky, leader of the Soviets, who didn’t trust Nicholas II was shot down quickly because the people of Russia were satisfied with the manifesto signed by the Tsar. All proponants were arrested and exiled thus officially ending the revolution of 1905.
In August of 1914, Germany declares war on Russia beginning World War I. During this time, Lenin was staying in Switzerland (he was forced out of Russia) and saw the war as an opportunity to strike while the iron is hot. The opportunity would take roughly three years to materialize. Germany had an affinity for Lenin and his Bolsheviks. From the German point of view, a government headed by Lenin would be an excellent outcome, because the Bolsheviks were pledged to end the war unilaterally. When the Revolution of 1905 took place, Lenin did not rush back to Russia. When a revolution in March of 1917 began with the autocracy collapse, the abdication of the throne by Nicholas II and the implementation of the Provisional Government, Lenin wasted no time to get back to Russia. A deal was struck between the Swiss socialist internationalist Fritz Platten and the German ambassador in Switzerland. This would guarantee safe passage for Lenin and his entourage back to Russia via the Finland Station in Petrograd. Upon arrival, Lenin went to work and published the April Theses that called for the termination of the Provisional Government. The “Theses” stated that the revolution was at a transitional stage. Lenin introduced the idea that the only form of government for Russia should be the soviets, and all power ought now to pass to the soviets throughout the country. This may have been a power play knowing deep down if he was able to sway the soviets to the Bolsheviks side it would be most beneficial to Lenin. The big obstacle was the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries in Petrograd Soviet backed the Provisional Government. There was a bump in the road known as “July Days” when the Bolsheviks attempt to overthrow the Provisional Government was thwarted. At story was published in the newspaper Zhivoe slovo (Live Word) stated Lenin was being paid money by the German General Staff in an effort to agitate the Provisional Government. Lenin again is forced out of Russia for a third time, hiding in Finland. He had no choice in the matter for he would of been arrested for his 'alleged' ties with Germany, the country that declared war on Russia. Although he was abroad only temporarily, Lenin still urged an uprising to overthrow the Provisional Government through articles and correspondence. At the same time, Bolsheviks petitioned for the Soviets of Petrograd to join forces with socialism as part of their sales pitch. The chaos that had plagued Russia was taking its toll on the people and they were ripe for the picking. The people were demanding a new government who would most importantly negotiate an end to the war. By October, Lenin snuck back into Russia heading to Petrograd through Finland. On his arrival in Petrograd, Lenin insisted the Bolsheviks withdraw from the Pre-parliament 'in order not to sow illusions' among the masses. He was determined not to yield his main trump - the promise of immediate peace - to anyone else. But he recognized that it was not the Bolsheviks the people would follow, but the promise of peace, in which they saw the cure for all their present miseries. But while the promise of peace, the ending World War I was exactly what it was, a trump card, Lenin desired an 'armed' uprising to be executed by the Petrograd Soviets in conjunction with the Bolsheviks for it was now or never. An armed uprising will always cost lives, but the extremism of Lenin's dictatorial instruction is striking: the goal must be attained, no matter the cost. Two committee meetings on October 5th and the 7th granted his wish and approved his proposal for an uprising or better, a coup. As a prelude to the inevitable, numerous committee meetings between members of the Bolsheviks and the Soviets were set up to discuss military preparations and to confirm the coup. On October 25th, the signal was given for bombardment of the Winter Palace. About thirty shells were fired from the Peter-Paul Fortress, but only two landed, one of them on a cornice. No one was even wounded. The cadets were disarmed, and the regime appeared completely incapable of response. Even the ineffectual bombardment and symbolic seige had paralyzed the will of the Palace defenders. With that, the Winter Palace was raided with no resistance and in the hands of the revolutionaries by 2 am. The Provisional Government knew the coup was coming, but did not know when it was to occur. Whether they were completely caught off guard, ill prepared, or the mental drain of the war and goings-on within Russia, one may never know the answer. A session was called by the Soviets midday on October 26th to announce the Provisional Government was no more. Leon Trotsky concluded by saying, "in our midst is Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, who was unable to appear before owing to various circumstances. Long live Comrade Lenin who has returned to us!" That evening at 10:40 pm, at the Second Congress of Soviets at the Smolny Institute, Lenin read his decrees on land and peace, and his new government was established as the Council of People's Commissars (in due course, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party) under his chairmanship.
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